Project Snow Job: Does Money Talk When the Snowplows Roll in NYC?

 By Jane Sasseen and Kevin R. Convey

Forty-four years ago this February, the so-called “Lindsay Snowstorm” sparked complaints that the administration of Mayor John Lindsay had left poorer areas of the city unplowed while it lavished attention on Manhattan.

Ever since, successive administrations have had to deal with the suspicion that when it comes to snow clearance in New York City – as in so many other areas – money talks.

But is it true?

As temperatures drop, winter settles in and the first big snowstorm of the season looms, we decided to take a look at the data to try to find out.

The so-called “Snowmageddon” storm of Dec. 26-27, 2010, was our test case. We thought that if any storm would reveal a socio-economic bias in the city’s snow-clearance method, it would be the sixth-worst in the city’s history, the monster that buried New York in almost two feet of snow and paralyzed much of the city for a week.

Moreover, the city’s response, like that of the Lindsay administration decades before, was an epic failure, provoking a blizzard of snarky tweets:

And a very unusual public mea culpa from the normally unapologetic Mayor Michael Bloomberg:

 First, we gathered data on snow-related problems from the city’s 311 complaint-line. If the suspicions of socio-economic bias were true, we hypothesized, there should be a higher number of complaints coming from poorer communities than from their better-heeled neighbors.

We filtered the data to include only residential street-clearing complaints beginning Dec. 26, the day the storm began, and ending two weeks later. Knowing that there were no additional storms during that period, we figured that slice would capture all complaints related to Snowmageddon. We wound up with 2,341 complaints.

(Unsurprisingly, the city employs a variety of Orwell’s newspeak in its complaint protocol. Almost none are classified as street or intersection “unplowed.” Instead, nearly all are designated as “replow” requests.)

Next we added to the map community district and neighborhood designations as well as total population, median family income and total complaints. To create an “apples-to-apples” comparison, we calculated how many complaints occurred per 100,000 residents in each of the city’s 59 community districts. Then, using the Google fusion map wizard, we overlayed the snowmageddon complaint locations.

Snowmageddon 2010: Where the Complaints Were

Uh-oh. Even a cursory glance at the map shows that our initial hypothesis doesn’t hold water.

Take Manhattan, for instance: Complaints per 100,000 residents in, say, lower-income Harlem (0) and East Harlem (1.6) were in the same range as on the toney – and residentially similar — Upper East Side (1.36).

Perhaps Manhattan, with its wide avenues, heavy traffic, and position as a transport and financial hub, is an anomaly among the boroughs when it comes to socioeconomic disparities in snow clearance.

Yet there’s no apparent correlation between wealth and number of complaints in the outer boroughs either. In Brooklyn, for example, the highest number of complaints (319 per 100,000 residents) came from the neighborhoods of Canarsie/Marine Park/Mill Basin, a high-to-middle income area. That was 10 times the rate of nearby low-income Brownsville, which recorded just 31 complaints per 100,000

A look at complaints per 100,000 residents for all city neighborhoods by ascending median family income yields little discernible pattern.


 If anything, wealthier and middle class neighborhoods seem to generate marginally more complaints, not fewer, than poorer neighborhoods. >

 So what does account for the disparity in complaints, if not wealth? Living along the southern tier of the city seems to be the determining factor.

If we draw a line on the map from the neighborhood of Rosedale in southeast Queens west and south to the northern tip of Staten Island, the highest density of complaints lies below it. These communities also happen to be among the furthest from Manhattan, home of the mayor, seat of city government, capital of the world.

So, is this yet another example of the New York City’s (and Bloomberg’s) Manhattan-centric nature? Is the distance from Manhattan the determinant for speedy and efficient snow clearing? Is it less “money talks” than “out of sight, out of mind”?

Marty Markowitz, the president of the borough of Brooklyn, which generated the second-greatest number of complaints per 100,000 residents (42) and more than half the total complaints, says yes.

“The main priority always seems that Manhattan gets the fastest and most complete snow removal,” Markowitz says, “and the further from the mother ship, the less the priority to remove snow.

“It may be due to the fact that just about every mayor in recent history is a resident of Manhattan,” Markowitz said, “and has not (directed) Sanitation to pay equal attention to how large snowfalls impact residents and businesses in both Brooklyn and Staten Island and of course Queens.”

But James P. Molinaro, borough president of Staten Island – which logged the largest number of number of complaints per 100,000 residents (68) – disagrees.

“I don’t think it’s Manhattan against the outer boroughs,” he said. “One big thing you have to remember is that the further out you get, the thinner the public transportation gets, until you get out to Staten Island, where you don’t have any at all.

“If all you have to do is walk a few blocks to the subway to get to work, you’re not going to complain,” Molinaro said. “But if you’re on Staten Island, where five percent of New York’s population owns 18 percent of the city’s cars, you can’t to work unless you’re plowed out.’’

Molinaro’s explanation is persuasive enough for his borough, but it doesn’t explain why a remote neighborhood such as, say, Bayside, Queens — where subway stops are non-existent and residents tend to be car owners — generated so many fewer complaints per 100,000 residents (23). Or why southern-tier towns such as Brooklyn’s Flatbush or Sheepshead Bay, where subway lines are copious, generated a like number of complaints

Other non-geographical explanations fail just readily. Lack of equipment? Nearly every community district in the city has a sanitation barn with snow-clearing equipment assigned to it. Twisting, narrow streets? The streets of Park Slope (16 complaints per 100,000) are no more difficult to navigate than those of East New York (98). Variation in snowfall? The difference between the accumulation in Central Park and in the southern tier overall wasn’t more than a couple of inches.

For its part, the city’s investigation blamed its own failure to declare a snow emergency, a failure to salt roads in the early hours of the storm, the breakdown of traction chains on many plows and their subsequent immobilization, recent sanitation-worker layoffs and the difficulty some workers had in reaching their job sites.

But these are issues that affected the entire city more or less evenly. Though we cannot know what the motivation is, our map ratifies Markowitz’ observation. When it comes to snow clearance in New York City, geography – in the form of distance from Manhattan – appears to be destiny.

This year’s first big snow storm may prove that once and for all.

Wireframe for Project Snow Job

Data-Driven Journalism

Wireframe for Project Snow Job

Jane Sasseen and Kevin R. Convey

28 Nov. 2012

We propose to comb the city’s 311 complaint records to try to map street snow-clearance complaints either from last winter or from the last several winters to see which neighborhoods of New York City generate the most complaints on the subject, and thus, we infer, get the worst service from the city.

As winter settles in and the temperature drops, residents of the city’s five boroughs brace themselves for the inevitable: the first big snowstorm of the year and the accompanying blizzard of complaints about snow clearance along the city’s thousands of miles of roads.

Clearly, the city’s street-clearing performance is both a barometer of mayoral competence and a thermometer measuring the patience of snowbound city residents. The city’s epic fail during 2010’s “Snowmageddon” storm, for example produced an extraordinary mea culpa from Mayor Michael Bloomberg:

And a barrage of snarky tweets:

Some residents see conspiracies: Was the mayor’s upper-east-side townhouse plowed out first? Other see socio-economic favoritism: How come the city’s poorest neighborhoods always seem to be the last to see a snowplow? And others see only incompetence: Can’t this city do anything right? We intend to comb and chart the data to see if any of these ideas hold water, or whether another explanation suggests itself.

First, let’s take a look at the socioeconomic piece — a stacked bar chart showing median family income by community district compared with complaints:

We’ll draw some conclusions and possibly break this chart into five borough charts.

Now let’s map CDs, complaints and median family income together:

So now we either see that this is true and City Hall houses a bunch of evil bastards who hate poor people. Or, we see that it is not true and we explode a long-standing urban myth that poor neighborhoods always get the shaft when it comes to services.

Mayoral spokesman said, blah, blah, blah. Public Advocate Bill DiBlasio said blah, blah. And City Council President Christine Quinn said, blah, blah.

Either way, we’re done, and now we can all go home for Christmas dinner.